The international community has finally appreciated and come to terms with the reality of the “cancer of corruption” and its ubiquitous nature; hence, we are all in agreement that being a persistent feature of human existence worldwide, its solution lies in the collective action of key global institutions with organized international joint efforts against corruption. These efforts have produced a lot of anti-corruption measures including bi-lateral and multilateral agreements, enactment of national anti-corruption laws such as the Nigeria’s Economic and Financial Crimes Commission Act, 2004, the designing of international framework and strategies for the prevention of corruption and the making of an all important United Nations Convention Against Corruption which has now become the reference point for anti-corruption fight all over the world.
Nonetheless, the need to study corruption and anti-corruption has continued to generate passionate commentaries and academic interests. While it is obvious that this interest has made the subject matter better understood to an extent, the hundreds of information being incorporated into its study, research data and the diversity of some of the findings have sometimes established some levels of complications too. Apart from the fact that some have attempted to mischaracterize corruption as a tool for development under such labels as “grease the wheels” arguments or the “efficiency grease”, the question still persists, for instance, on how corruption should be situated, whether within the context of the “moralists,” “developmentalists,” or “functionalists” definitions. More directly, should the definition be public-office centred, market-centred or public-interest centred?
Meanwhile, the definition of corruption becomes more complicated when viewed in terms of such classification as supportive corruption, transactional corruption, extortive corruption, defensive corruption, investive corruption, personal and institutional corruption, traditional and modern corruption, local, national or international corruption, or representational corruption, grand and petty corruption. Or simply put, should corruption be viewed as corruption and nothing more? Many questions continue to arise in our experience and engagement of corruption and corrupt practices.
To this extent and with a focus on the activities of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) in Nigeria, this presentation engages two questions: What are the causes and consequences of corruption in Nigeria and how has EFCC responded to the scourge? To engage these questions, the rest of this paper is divided into four parts that involve the causes of corruption in Nigeria, its consequences, the role of the EFCC and a conclusion laced with a recommendation that focus on the need for a Special Anti-corruption Court.
What are the Causes of Corruption in Nigeria?
The causes of corruption are multiple and have been discussed by scholars under numerous headings but I will briefly discuss some of the major causes that we have identified as investigators as some of the common causes of corruption in a political economy.
First, we have identified weak institutions as a major cause of corruption. Corruption has a high propensity to thrive when legal and political institutions are weak and government policies generate economic rents. In most climes, there are so many incentives in the public sector, particular administrative and legal institutions that leave public officials with wide unrestricted authority and powers to create avenues for unjust enrichment or use the discretionary powers at their disposal to manipulate the system. According to the World Bank Report; “the normal motivation of public sector employees to work productively may be undermined by many factors, including low and declining civil service salaries and promotion unconnected to performance. Dysfunctional government budgets, inadequate supplies and equipment, delays in the release of budget funds (including pay), and a loss of organizational purpose also may demoralize staff. The motivation to remain honest may be further weakened if senior officials and political leaders use public office for private gain or if those who resist corruption lack protection. Or the public service may have long been dominated by patron-client relationships, in which the sharing of bribes and favours has become entrenched. In some countries pay levels may always have been low, with the informal understanding that staff will find their own ways to supplement inadequate pay. Sometimes these conditions are exacerbated by closed political systems dominated by narrow vested interests and by international sources of corruption associated with major projects or equipment purchases”.
Closely related to the issue of weak institutions is the role of formal rules and the criminal justice system. There is hardly any country where corruption is legalized; to the contrary, there are several formal rules and laws prohibiting corruption and corrupt practices with appropriate sanctions and punishments. In addition to organic laws, several public institutions such as the Police, Customs and Immigration, Road Safety Corps, Fire Marshals, the Armed Forces , internal revenue agents, and other institutions including the judiciary have comprehensive codes of conduct to regulate their behaviours which also prohibit the receiving or accepting of bribes, gifts, gratifications etc. However, in a political economy that is laced with corruption, such formal rules are usually supplanted by informal rules or customs that allow corruption to flourish. For instance, the law may criminalize the giving and taking of bribes but in practice, one can hardly get anything done without gratification or in Nigerian parlance, “settling” someone. In Nigeria until the establishment of the EFCC, the laws were hardly enforced and the informal rules prevailed. The EFCC was thus established to strengthen the institutions and to shift emphasis back to the recognition and enforcement of formal rules. In addition to the formation of the EFCC, the government of Nigeria, recognizing the need to have a strong formal rules, had also enacted various other laws such as The Money Laundering Act, the Advance Free Fraud Related Offences Act and the Failed Banks (Recovery of Debts) and Financial Malpractices in Banks Act and several other appropriate legal frameworks to control corruption and strengthen the legal and economic institutions including the criminal justice administration. The Act also made the EFCC the designated Financial Intelligence Unit (FIU) in Nigeria, which is charged with the responsibility of co-coordinating the various institutions involved in the fight against money laundering and enforcement of all laws dealing with economic and financial crimes in Nigeria. Essentially however, the incentive to engage in corruption and corrupt practice is stronger where the probability of being discovered or prosecuted is remote or non-existent.
Another cause of corruption is public perception. Corruption is supported when some/few societal culture promotes corruption. Why should a convicted corrupt individual be offered a chieftaincy title by traditional rulers? Why do governors, some of whom have been fingered in corruption be given awards or be elected into the senate? There are also other instances where religious institutions have ordained corrupt public officials and sometimes organized thanksgiving services for corrupt ex-convicts who are just being release from prisons.
The nature of the economy is also a crucial factor. It has been argued that rent-seeking or rent-based systems tend to promote corruption. If this view holds, then, because the Nigerian economy is based on rents from crude oil and gas, it follows that there would be a number of “leakages” that would allow for the easy flow of cash and favours, sometimes in illegal ways. Until recently in Nigeria, public officers would deliberately delay the implementation of national budget with the hope that at the end of the financial year, any unspent budget would become largesse to be shared by the senior civil servants. This is why it is often said by experts that for corruption in public sector to flourish, public officials must possess “the authority to design or administer regulations and policies in a discretionary manner”. However, with the passage of new government policies which have made it mandatory for any unspent budget heads at the end of the financial year to be returned to the federation account and the passage of the Freedom of Information Act which is aimed at promoting transparency and accountability in government finance among others, this practice has also become a thing of the past in Nigeria.
Other identified causes of corruption in Nigeria include poverty, poor remuneration or incentive system.
Consequences of Corruption in Nigeria
The consequences of corruption are universal even if there could be variations in the level of state and non-state responses to these consequences. Simply put: massive corruption in the Nigeria has reduced the amount of money needed for development just as it does in any other political economy.
First, corruption promotes poverty. A simple example could be made with the corruption in the management of pension funds in Nigeria. The theft of pensions means that retired Nigerians would not have access to their pensions as at when due. This means that those that have dependants to care for would be deprived of the needed funds. Some pensioners eventually died because of the rising expectations that often end in frustrations sometimes occasioned by standing for hours on long queues. What happens to the dependants of a pensioner when he or she is deprived of his pensions? Will such dependants be able to attend qualitative schools or will they be forced out of schools to fend for themselves? If education remains one of the main routes leading to a good life and national development, without education, what would be the future of these dependants and the country?
Another consequence of corruption is that it creates the condition for political instability. This is because unrestricted corruption makes the state an unlimited allocator of wealth to individuals and groups. This character of the state makes it possible for the politics of do-or-die to take root, with politicians struggling to out-compete one another sometimes in violent manner. It must be recalled that the various military regimes that took over power from democratically elected representatives of the people had always justified their intervention on the ground of grand corruption and looting of state treasury by political state actors
Third, corruption contributes to the blanket criminalisation of Nigerians, especially the youths. With its capacity to generate poverty and instability, the youth have been systematically hijacked for selfish ends by unscrupulous politicians and ideologues. Some of those that were not ‘hijacked’ have found interest in advanced fee fraud popularly referred to as Yahoo-yahoo or 419 in local parlance. While corruption cannot, and should not, be the singular cause of this systematic criminalisation, it contributes to it.
Four, corruption promotes the existence of underground/illegal economy. The possibility of bribes infiltrating the security systems have made it easy for underground economies in counterfeit, adulterated and substandard products, especially drugs. Though these underground economies worth billions of dollars, the government do not benefit from taxes nor are the people benefiting from the dangerous effects of adulterated drugs.
Five, corruption also has other social costs apart from poverty. As rightly noted by Myint (2000: 50), in “any society, there are laws and regulations to serve social objectives and to protect the public interest, such as building codes, environmental controls, traffic laws and prudential banking regulations. Violating these laws for economic gain through corrupt means can cause serious social harm.” The frequent use of substandard materials and violation of building regulations have led to several buildings collapsing and killing innocent occupiers have become a recurrent decimal in Nigeria while large scale oil spills with catastrophic effects have continued in some part of the country.
Political corruption is a persistent phenomenon in Nigeria. President Muhammadu Buhari defined corruption as the greatest form of human right violation. Since the creation of modern public administration in the country, there have been cases of official misuse of funds and resources. The rise of public administration and the discovery of oil and natural gas are two major events seen to have led to the increase in corrupt practices in the country.
The government has tried to contain corruption through the enactment of laws and the enforcement of integrity systems, but success has been slow in coming. In 2012, Nigeria was estimated to have lost over $400 billion to corruption since independence.
Main article: Petroleum in Nigeria
Theories abound for the different possible causes of the flagrant graft that exists in Nigeria. Some blame greed and ostentatious lifestyles as a potential root cause of corruption. To some, societies in love with ostentatious lifestyle may delve into corrupt practices to feed the lifestyle and also embrace a style of public sleaze and lack of decorum. The customs and attitudes of the society may also be a contributing factor. Gift giving as expressions of loyalty or tributes to traditional rulers may be fabrics of the society. Also, a political environment that excludes favors towards elites or wealthy citizens may also be influenced by corruption. Wealthy elites may resort to sleaze in order to gain power and protect their interest. However, the bottom line surmised from the views of most Nigerians is that corruption is a problem that has to be rooted out. In Nigeria another major cause of corruption is ethnicity called tribalism in Nigeria. Friends and kinsmen seeking favor from officials may impose difficult strains on the ethical disposition of the official. Many kinsmen may see a government official as holding necessary avenues for their personal survival or gain.
A culmination of use of official resources for private gain may lead to further pressures on incoming officials from other kinsmen. However, the fact is, the importation of modern rules on inter-ethnic political relationships is a recent colonial and western initiative that may take time to become the norm, deep allegiance to other ethnic groups for administrative decisions early on was sometimes viewed suspiciously, and an early institutionalization of a unitary system in the country, may also have led to a further familiar groupings induced corruption. Nevertheless, a modern practical approach to leadership and relationships has gradually taken a prominent role in the political process. The necessity for practical inter-depedence and cooperation is at the forefront of yearnings for good governance in the country.
Some analysts have also blamed colonialism for the amount corruption. According to this view, the nation's colonial history may have restricted any early influence in an ethical revolution; "the trappings of flashy cars, houses and success of the colonists may influenced the poor to see the colonist as symbols of success and to emulate the colonists in different political ways". Involvement in the agenda of colonial rule may also inhibit idealism in the early stage of the nascent nation's development. A view commonly held during the colonial days was that the colonists property (cars, houses, farms etc.) is not "our" property. Thus vandalism and looting of public property was not seen as a crime against society. This view is what has degenerated into the more recent disregard for public property and lack of public trust and concern for public goods as a collective national property. According to PricewaterhouseCoopers, Nigeria's economy would have a higher worth if its level of corruption were closer to Ghana's.
History and Cases
Pre-Independence and the First Republic
Corruption, though prevalent, was kept at manageable levels during the First Republic. However, the cases of corruption during the period were sometimes clouded by political infighting.
- Azikiwe was the first major political figure investigated for questionable practices. In 1944, a firm belonging to Azikiwe and family bought a Bank in Lagos. The bank was procured to strengthen local control of the financial industry. Albeit, a report about transactions carried out by the bank showed though Azikiwe had resigned as chairman of the bank, the current chairman was an agent of his. The report wrote that most of the paid-up capital of the African Continental Bank were from the Eastern Regional Financial Corporation.
- In western Nigeria, politician Adegoke Adelabu was investigated following charges of political corruption leveled against him by the opposition. The report led to demand for his resignation as district council head.
- In the Northern region, against the backdrop of corruption allegations leveled against some native authority officials in Bornu. The Northern Government enacted the Customary Presents order to forestall any further breach of regulations. Later on, it was the British administration that was accused of corrupt practices in the results of elections which enthroned a Fulani political leadership in Kano, reports later linking the British authorities to electoral irregularities were discovered.
Gowon Administration (August 1966 – July 1975)
Corruption for the most part of Yakubu Gowon's administration was kept away from public view until 1975. However, informed officials voiced concerns. Critics said Gowon's governors acted like lords overseeing their personal fiefdom. He was viewed as timid, faced with corrupt elements in his government.
In 1975, a corruption scandal surrounding the importation of cement engulfed many officials of the defense ministry and the central bank of Nigeria. Officials were later accused of falsifying ships manifestos and inflating the amount of cement to be purchased.
During the Gowon administration, two individuals from the middle belt of the country were accused of corruption. The Nigerian government controlled the newspapers, so the Daily Times and the New Nigerian gave great publicity to denunciations of the administration of Gomwalk, and Federal Commissioner Joseph Tarka by the two critics. A situation which may signal a cause for exigent action on corruption.
Murtala administration (1975 – February 1976)
In 1975, the administration of Murtala Mohammed made reformist changes. After a military coup brought it to power, the new government sacked a large number of prior government officials and civil servants, many of whom had been criticized for the misuse of power they wielded under the largely uneducated military of Gowon.
Obasanjo administration (February 1976 – September 1979)
The first administration of Olusegun Obasanjo was a continuation of the Muritala Mohammed administration, and was focused on completing the transition program to democracy, as well as implementing the national development plans. Major projects including building new refineries, pipelines, expanding the national shipping and airlines as well as hosting FESTAC was done during the administration. A number of these national projects were conduits to distribute favors and enrich connected politicians. The famous Afrobeat musician, Fela Kuti, sang variously about major scandals involving the international telecommunication firm ITT led by Chief MKO Abiola in Nigeria, which the then Head of State, Gen Olusegun Obasanjo was associated with. In addition to this, the Operation Feed the Nation Program, and the associated land grab under the Land Use Decree implemented by the then Head of State was used as conduits to reward cronies, and his now famous Otta Farm Nigeria (OFN) was supposedly a project borne out of this scandal.
Shagari Administration (October 1979 – December 1983)
Corruption was deemed pervasive during the administration of Shehu Shagari. A few federal buildings mysteriously caught fire after investigators started to probe the finances of the officials working in the buildings. In late 1985, investigations into the collapse of the defunct Johnson Mathey Bank of London shed light on some of the abuses carried on during the second republic. The bank acted as a conduit to transfer hard currency for some party members in Nigeria. A few leading officials and politicians had amassed large amounts of money. They sought to transfer the money out of the country with the help of Asian importers by issuing import licenses.
In 1981, a rice shortage led to accusations of corruption against the NPN government. Shortages and subsequent allegations were precipitated by protectionism. After its election the Nigerian government decided to protect local rice farmers from imported commodities. A licensing system was created to limit rice imports. However, accusations of favoritism and government-supported speculation were leveled against many officials.
Buhari Administration (December 1983 – August 1985)
In 1985, a cross section of politicians were convicted of corrupt practices under the government of General Muhammadu Buhari, but the administration itself was only involved in a few instances of lapsed ethical judgment. Some cite the suitcases scandal which also coincidentally involved then customs leader Atiku Abubakar[who?], who later became Vice President in 1999, and was indicted for various acts of corruption. "The 53 suitcases saga arose in 1984 during the currency change exercise ordered by the Buhari junta when it ordered that every case arriving the country should be inspected irrespective of the status of the person behind such. The 53 suitcases were, however, ferried through the Murtala Muhammed Airport without a customs check by soldiers allegedly at the behest of Major Mustapha Jokolo, the then aide-de-camp to Gen. Buhari. Atiku was at that time the Area Comptroller of Customs in charge of the Murtala Muhammed Airport."
Babangida Administration (August 1985 – August 1993)
The regime of general Ibrahim Babangida or IBB, has been seen as the body that legalized corruption. His administration refused to give account of the Gulf War windfall, which has been estimated to be $12.4 billion. He rigged the only successful election in the history of Nigeria in June 12, 1993. He lives in a very exquisite mansion in his home state of Niger.
During IBB's tenure, corruption became a policy of state. Vehicles and cash gifts were routinely disbursed to earn loyalty, and the discipline of the military force eroded. The term "IBB Boys" emerged, meaning fronts for the head of state in business realm, someone who will transact dirty deals from drug dealing to money laundering. The President was reportedly deeply involved in drug dealing through the first lady, Maryam Babangida, and Gloria Okon (his girlfriend). The near-revelation of that fact by Dele Giwa triggered the assassination of the journalist by the Presidential death squad using a letter bomb.
IBB used various government privatization initiatives to reward friends and cronies, which eventually gave rise to the current class of nouveau riche in Nigeria. From banking to oil and import licenses, IBB used these favors to raise cash for himself and his family, and is regarded as one of the richest ex-rulers of Nigeria supposedly with significant investment in Globacom—one of the largest telecom operators in Nigeria, regarded as a front for his empire.
Abacha Administration (Nov 1993 – June 1998)
The death of the general Sani Abacha revealed the global nature of graft. French investigations of bribes paid to government officials to ease the award of a gas plant construction in Nigeria revealed the level of official graft in the country. The investigations led to the freezing of accounts containing about $100 million United States dollars.
In 2000, two years after his death, a Swiss banking commission report indicted Swiss banks for failing to follow compliance process when they allowed Abacha's family and friends of access to his accounts and to deposit amounts totaling $600 million US dollars into them. The same year, a total of more than $1 billion US dollars were found in various accounts throughout Europe.
Abdusalami Administration (June 1998 – May 1999)
The government of Gen. Abdusalami was short and focused on transiting the country quickly to democracy. Albeit, suspicion remains that quite a huge of wealth was acquired by him and his inner circle in such short period, as he lives in quite exquisite mansion of his own adjacent IBB's that exceeds whatever he might have earned in legitimate income. Indeed, the major Halliburton scandal implicated his administration, and this might have financed his opulence.
Obasanjo administration (May 1999 – May 2007)
Various corruption scandals broke out under Olusegun Obasanjo's presidency, including one of international dimensions when his vice president was caught in cahoots with a US Congressman stashing cold hard cash (literally) in freezers. In addition to this, the KBR and Siemens bribery scandals broke out under his administration, which was serially[clarification needed] investigated by the FBI and led to international indictments indicating high-level corruption in his administration. According to reports, "while Nigeria dithered, the United States Department of Justice on January 18, 2012 announced that a Japanese construction firm, Marubeni Corporation, agreed to pay a $54.6 million criminal penalty for allegedly bribing officials of the Nigerian government to facilitate the award of the $6 billion liquefied natural gas contract in Bonny, Nigeria to a multinational consortium, TSKJ". They paid bribes to Nigerian government officials between 1995 and 2004, in violation of the United States Foreign Corrupt Practices Act.
Some other acts of corruption tied to Olusegun Obasanjo included the Transcorp shares scandal that violated the code of conduct standards for public officers, and the presidential library donations at the eve of his exit from power that pressured associates to donate. Obasanjo was also said to widely lobby for his failed campaign to alter the constitution to get a third term by actively bribing the legislators. further deepening corruption at the highest levels.
Umaru Musa Yar'Adua administration (May 2007 –May 2010)
Yaradua's ascent and time in office was short, although a fair number of corruption scandals from previous administrations came to light under his tenure and went uninvestigated due to lack of political will and poor health. Yaradua's various acts of political corruption using his Attorney-General to frustrate ongoing local and international investigations of his powerful friends like Governor Ibori, Igbinnedion and Odili which led to massive losses to their states. Indeed, AG Aondakaa was legendary in his inability to obtain conviction in Nigeria even as UK and foreign courts successfully tried Nigeria's deeply corrupt governors from the Obasanjo era that helped Yaradua emerge as president. In addition, Wikileaks revealed that the Supreme Court Justices were bribed to legitimize the corrupt elections that saw to his emergence as president through massive rigging. Wikileaks documents also revealed the staying power of corruption under Yaradua, with illegal payments from NNPC to Presidents continuing unabated.
Goodluck Jonathan administration (2010–2015)
In 2014, Nigeria's rank improved from 143rd to the 136th position on Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index. In late 2013, Nigeria's then Central Bank governor Sanusi Lamido Sanusi informed President Goodluck Jonathan that the state oil company, NNPC, had failed to remit US$20 billion in oil revenues owed to the state. Jonathan however dismissed the claim and replaced Sanusi for his mismanagement of the central bank's budget. A Senate committee also found Sanusi’s account to be lacking in substance. After the conclusion of the NNPC's account audit, it was announced in January 2015 that NNPC's non-remitted revenue is actually US$1.48 billion, which it needs to refund to the government. Upon release of both the PwC and Deloitte report by the government at the eve of its exit, it was however determined that truly close to $20 billion was indeed missing or misappropriated or spent without appropriation.
In addition to these, the government of Goodluck Jonathan had several running scandals including the BMW purchase by his Aviation Minister, $250 million plus security contracts to militants in the Niger Delta, massive corruption and kickbacks in the Ministry of Petroleum, the Malibu Oil International scandal, and several scandals involving the Petroleum Ministry including accusations of sweetheart deals with select fronts and business people to divert public wealth. In the dying days of Goodluck Jonathan's administration, the Central Bank scandal of cash tripping of mutilated notes also broke out, where it was revealed that in a four-day period, 8 billion naira was stolen directly by low-level workers in the CBN. This revelation excluded a crime that is suspected to have gone on for years and went undetected until revealed by whistle-blower. The Central Bank claim the heist undermined its monetary policy. In 2014, UNODC began an initiative to help combat corruption in Nigeria.
New allegations of corruption have begun to emerge since the departure of President Jonathan on May 29, 2015, including:
- $2.2 billion illegally withdrawn from Excess Crude Oil Accounts, of which $1 billion supposedly approved by President Jonathan to fund his reelection campaign without the knowledge of the National Economic Council made up of state governors and the president and vice president.
- NEITI discovered $11.6 billion was missing from Nigeria LNG Company dividend payments.
- 60 million barrels of oil valued at $13.7 billion was stolen under the watch of the national oil company, Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, from 2009 to 2012.
- NEITI indicates losses due to crude swaps due to subsidy and domestic crude allocation from 2005 to 2012 indicated that $11.63 billion had been paid to the NNPC but that “there is no evidence of the money being remitted to the federation account”.
- Diversion of 60% of $1 billion foreign loans obtained from the Chinese by the Ministry of Finance 
- Massive scam in weapons and defense procurements, and misuse of 3 trillion naira defense budget since 2011 under the guise of fighting Boko Haram
7. Diversion of $2.2 million vaccination medicine fund, by Ministry of Health 
8. Diversion of Ebola fight fund up to 1.9 bn naira 
9. NIMASA fraud under investigation by EFCC, inclusive of accusation of funding PDP and buying a small piece of land for 13 billion naira 
10. Ministry of Finance led by Okonjo Iweala hurried payment of $2.2 million to health ministry contractor in disputed invoices 
11. NDDC scams and multifarious scams including 2.7 billion naira worth of contracts that does not confirm to the Public Procurement Act
12. Police Service Commission Scam investigated by ICPC that revealed misappropriation of over 150 million naira related to election related trainings. ICPC made refund recommendations, but many analyst indicated prosecution was more appropriate.
Muhammadu Buhari administration (2015–2019)
In 2016, the Senate ad-hoc committee on “mounting humanitarian crisis in the North East” led by Senator Shehu Sani indicted the then Secretary to the Government of the Federation appointed by Muhammadu Buhari, Mr. Babachir Lawal in a N200 million contract scandal for the clearing of “invasive plant species” in Yobe State by Rholavision Nigeria Limited; a company he owns.
On October 30, 2017, President Buhari sacked Lawal based on the report of a three-man panel led by Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo that investigated him and one other.
Abdulrasheed Maina was the head of the task force on pension reforms during the President Goodluck Jonathan led administration but fled Nigeria in 2015 after claims that he embezzled two billion naira ($5.6 million, 4.8 million euros). Despite the fact that an Interpol arrest warrant was issued, he still managed to return to Nigeria, where he was said to have enjoyed protection from the security.
According the senate through its committee on public accounts, 85 government parastatals under the present government under the leadership of Muhammadu Buhari are yet to submit their report since the inception of this government.
The flag bearer of the corruption fight in Nigeria, the EFCC has responded to the senate committee on public account's claim on the non submission of her account report by the institution and 84 others. The Economic and financial crimes commission denied the report issued by the committee claiming it was not true.
Public institutions perceived as corrupt
The following list contains the institutions perceived as the most corrupt. It is culled from the Nigeria Survey and Corruption Survey Study, Final Report (June 2003) Institute for Development Research, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria (IDR, ABU Zaria)
|3||National and State Assemblies|
|4||Local and Municipal Governments|
|5||Federal and State Executive Councils|
|6||Traffic police and FRSC|
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